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History and Holy Sites

 

Background

History of the city

Chronology

The Israeli Occupation of Jerusalem.

Jerusalem, a city crying out for justice

Palestinian mayors of Jerusalem

Jerusalem, a defacto divided city

Manipulating Jerusalem's history

The Religious Factors in Settlement Patterns in Jerusalem in the early Islamic Period

Al-Quds throughout History By A.B H. Kargbo

 

 

Background

An old Arab city built 5000 years ago over (Al Dohor) hill known today as Al Tur, overlooking Silwan village south-east of Al-Aqsa Mosque.

The city which is 750m above sea level from the (Mediterranean) and 1150m from the dead sea, is the cradle of the three monotheistic religions Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. In addition to its religious significance, the city has a unique strategic position.

Since the dawn of history, the city has witnessed fierce battles and wars, the destruction of its churches, mosques and old architectural buildings, approximately (18) times.

Factors like its high location, the abundance of water springs such as Um Al Daraj, and the deep and wide valleys of Jahanam (Qadron), Al Rababa (Hanom) and Al Zab’l, were obviously taken into account when selecting its first site, which was an impregnable fortress diffcult to conquer from three corners except from the north. But through the elapse of time the first site was abandoned, to move to the western hills of Al Tur to what is known today as the old city of Jerusalem.

In view of the density and overcrowding of the population inside the walls of the old city, the Jerusalemites started to build new houses outside the walls particularly in the northern and western parts.

JERUSALEM'S HISTORY

Jerusalem's name is derived from Or Salem, the city of Salem, a Jebusite deity. Throughout its history the city has suffered from many conquests, destruction and massacres. Any reading of the history of Jerusalem shows that the city took the bulk of its shape, its divine character and historical ambiance since the Muslim Caliph Omar Ibn Al Kattab took Jerusalem without bloodshed in 639 AD. 300 years before that, the city was under the uninterrupted hegemony of Romans converted to Christianity in 313 AD. Under the Omayyad Caliphs (660-750) Jerusalem flourished, and from this period important buildings survive: - Al Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock above all.

During Abbasid rule (750-969) Jerusalem became a religious focal point for Christian and Jewish pilgrims and was home to several prominent Muslim Sufi scholars. At the beginning of the Fatimid period (969-1071) the first recorded complaint against the tourist trade was made by local historian al-Muqqadasi, who wrote that Jerusalem was being overrun by pilgrims. By the time the first Muslim period was brought to an end with the capture of the city by the Crusaders in 1099, Jerusalem was divided into four naturally formed residential quarters - Christian, Muslim, Armenian, and Jewish. The general outlines of the Old City date from the Crusaders' 88 year rule, and many of their buildings are still in use.

A less appealing legacy of the Christian Kingdom of Jerusalem was its religious intolerance, Jews were burned alive and the Muslim population was slaughtered or expelled. Muslims and Jews were not permitted to live in the city.

Jerusalem was restored to Muslim rule and to an appreciable degree of religious tolerance by the legendary Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi in 1187, who allowed Christians to remain in the city or to leave unharmed, and Jews to return. By the end of the Ayyubid period in 1248, Jerusalem was an important part of a Syrian province. The Mamluks (1248-1517) have left their mark architecturally with beautiful buildings including mosques, schools and hospices throughout the Old City. Several new markets were added, the city's fountains and water supplies were repaired and construction started outside the city walls. Jerusalem had little political importance, and when the Mamluk dynasty was succeeded by the Ottoman Turks, the center of power in the Middle East shifted to Europe.

Sultan Sulieman al Azeem 'the Magnificent' (1537-1541) took charge in Palestine and rebuilt Jerusalem where his great walls stand to this day. He further improved the city's water system, installed the drinking fountains still visible in many parts of the Old City and lent his support to religious and teaching establishments. The Ottoman rule which lasted until 1918 gave Palestine its longest period of inaction, the price was one of economic stagnation, coupled with perpetuation of ignorance and inactivity. By the end of World War I, the Palestinian population was ready to revolt.

In the meantime, another element was being added. Jews had played little part in the political history. The indigenous Palestinian Jewish community were mainly religious Jews. During the 19th century however, Jews seeking refuge from pogroms and anti-Semitism in Eastern Europe and Russia obtained the permission of the Ottoman rulers to emigrate to Palestine. In 1901, the Jewish National Fund was set up to finance the purchase of land for Jews in Palestine, eight years later saw the founding of Tel Aviv on land belonging to the Palestinian city of Jaffa. By the outbreak of World War I, waves of Jewish immigrants raised the Jewish population in Palestine to 60,000, less than 10% of the total population, the overwhelming majority were Palestinian Arab. Nevertheless the Zionists' slogan "A land without people for a people without land" remained convincing to western ears for many years to come.

In the meantime, the European powers vied with each other to gain a foothold as they waited for the 'sick man of Europe' to die. New areas with names like the Russian Compound and the German Colony sprouted outside the city walls of Jerusalem. Many of the educational and religious institutions which still exist today - Schmidt Girls School, the Alliance Francaise and St. George's Anglican Cathedral - were founded at this time.

The 20th Century:

By dint of double dealing backed with military muscle, the British obtained control of Jerusalem along with the rest of Palestine, when the 'sick man's' possessions were carved up after World War I. The first British civil administrator Ronald Storrs, declared that all new buildings in the city should be made from local stone. The expansion of the city outside the walls continued, as both Palestinian Arabs and new Jewish immigrants constructed residential quarters spreading out from the Old City. When Britain washed its hands of the mess it had created following World War II, the United Nations Partition Plan of 1947 declared Jerusalem a corpus separatum, open to both the Jewish and Arab states. By the end of the 1948 war, the city was occupied by Israeli troops in the west, and the Jordanian Arab Legion in the east. Jerusalem retained its spiritual significance, but temporal power centers moved elsewhere. For Israel, despite the moving of the administration, West Jerusalem became a frontier town and Tel Aviv and the coastal region the economic and cultural center. The east side of the city retained its importance to Palestinians during Jordanian rule, the PLO held its first Palestine National Council conference in the Seven Arches Hotel in Jerusalem in May 1964.

In June 1967, East Jerusalem and the Old City were occupied by the Israeli army. Two weeks after the end of the war, Israel unilaterally annexed East Jerusalem and declared the city the 'eternal, united capital of Israel'. Today, Jerusalem still awaits final resolution of the divisions of 1948, and for all Israel's talk of eternity, the international community does not recognize its jurisdiction. Most western countries still maintain consulates in the east serving the occupied territories, as the Palestinians see the city as the capital of their future independent state. To preempt this, Israel has expanded the municipal boundaries to the very edges of Bethlehem to the south and Ramallah to the north, and ringed the Arab city with three bands of settlements. These fortress-like eyesores are physical evidence of the immense damage done to the holy city in Arab East Jerusalem by current Israeli occupiers, they distort its historical view, wasted its natural beauty and changed its divine character.

To further emphasize this point, ‘in an Israeli round table discussion on architecture in Jerusalem attended by Israeli Architects and students of Architecture, (see the Jerusalem Post Monday, April 8, 1996) Ehud Olmert, Israeli mayor of West Jerusalem was accused of being blind to the ramification of ideas he bandies about. Olmert has been quoted in the press as saying he wants Jerusalem to have high-rises, to be like the 'great cities' in the West, he wants massive developments in the valley at the entrance to the city. Before leaving the said round table discussions, Olmert noted the only way to expand the city is to the east, i.e. in the direction of Arab East Jerusalem.

Here we are, in a city that has not only emotional and historical importance, but spiritual meaning far beyond its physical confines, a city with its own distinctive mystique, still largely built on an intimate scale, a city with a human face. We have valleys that bring our physical setting to our feet, and every so often, we can lift our eyes to the mountains. But every bit of what we have is in danger, the quality of life in this city is going quickly to the dogs, anonymity replacing intimacy, the sky darkened, the mountains crushed under fortress Jerusalem.’

Jerusalem has seen many conquerors through its history, only time will tell who will be the next to take over Jerusalem.
  
CHRONOLOGY
 
- Jebusite’ Arabs
4500 B.C.
- Canaanite’ Arabs
2500 B.C.
- Israelites (when conquered by king David)
1000 B.C.
- Babylonians (when Nebuchad Nezzer conquered it. and moved its Jewish inhabitants to Babyl)
586 B.C.
- Persians
538 B.C.
- Alexander the Great
332 B.C.
- Macabbean Jew
135 B.C.
- Roman - Byzantine Empire
62 B.C.
- The Arab Islamic Liberation of the City
636 A.D.
- Ummayad Dynasty (Muslims)
661 A.D.
- Abbaside Caliphate (Muslims)
750 A.D.
- Tulunid Dynasty (Muslims)
878 A.D.
- Ikhshidid Dynasty (Muslims)
915 A.D.
- Fatimids (Muslims)
969 A.D.
- Selijuk Turks (Muslims)
1070 A.D.
- Crusaders (who committed a horrible massacre at Al Aqsa Moqsa Killing 70,000 Muslims)
1099 A.D.
- The Arabs (Salah Eddin): He restored The city From The Crusaders after His Victory in The Famous Battle Of Hittin .
1178 A.D.
- Crusaders: When King Frederick II Of Germany Was handed the Keys of the City From King AI- Kamel except For the Al Aqsa mosque area.
1229 A.D.
- Al Khwarizmans (Mongols) . King Najm Eddin of Egyot restored the city .
1244 A.D.
- Mamelukes (Muslims)
1253 A.D.
- Ottomans (by the Muslim Sultan Saleem) .
1516 A.D.
- British Mandate
1917 A.D.
- Jordanian rule
1951 A.D.
- Israeli occupation
1967 - present
 

The Israeli Occupation of Jerusalem

During the 1948 war, the Israeli army occupied almost 66% of Jerusalem. The old city and its eastern parts remained in the hands of the Palestinians . Following the 1967 war, Israel occupied the remaining parts of the city and annexing it unilaterally, in complete defiance to international law and declared that the city is the “eternal undivided capital of Israel” .

The Israeli Knesset (parliament) endoresed, on 27 June 1967, the annexation of East Jerusalem to Israel to becom since that time, part of Israel by virtue of order no. 2064.

Following this unilateral and illegal decision, consecutive Israeli governments stepped up measures to juadize the city in an attempt to obliterate the Arabic and Islamic features of Jerusalem .

This has been initiated through the expropreation of 116 dunums of the properties of the Muslim Waqf (Religious Affairs), or about 10% of the total area of the old city, to build modern flats for Jewish settlers.

Israel has transferred many public departments including ministries to these new building and went on juadizing education to cope with its expansionest and racist policy. It has also isolated east Jerusalem from the rest of the Palestinian cities in the West Bank through the closure of its main entrances and prohibited Palestinian Muslim and Christian Worshippers from entering the city .

 

Among its arbitrary measures, Israel sent its archeological teams to excavate arround and below Al-Aqsa Mosque which has caused great damage to the historic buildings.

 

The Israeli government has desecrated the Islamic holy places, attached Muslim worshippers several times, and set on fire Al-Aqsa Mosque on 21 August 1968. The burning of the Mosque and the Israeli attempt to blow it up in 1980 were not the last in its disgraceful acts, but it has also desecrated the holy tombs inside the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and looted many churches.

Moreover, Israel has demolished hunderds of Palestinian houses, banned the expansion or building by its Palestinian native residents inside the city, uprooted by force its native, and built a belt of Jewish settlements around it, in its quest to judaize the city. The settlements were built over land expropriated from the Palestinians under the force of arms and through means of intimidation.

Israel has also levied exorbitant taxes against Jerusalem resident like the “Arnona tax”, and at the same time depriving them from any services.

This aggressive policy did not stop, but went beyond this point, when Israel decided to establish “Greater Jerusalem” through occupying more Palestinian land to itsmunicipal border of Jerusalem estimated about 30% of the total area of the West Bank. The exropriated land extends from Ramallah and Al Bireh cities in the north, Abu Deis, Aizzarye, and Al Tur in the east, to Latroun in the west and to Bethlehem, Beit Jala and Sur Baher in the south.
 
Jerusalem, a city crying out for justice

Israel's concepts, policies, and practices in Jerusalem can be summarized in one sentence:

- The Judaization of the Holy City, its land, its population, its history, and its culture. This Judaization began with the emergence of the State of Israel in 1948, intensified in the wake of the 1967 war and has continued ever since.

It is very important for the reader to know that on the ground there exists two separate distinct parts to Jerusalem. The eastern part occupied by Israel in the war of 1967 had no Jewish population whatsoever before this war. The heart of East Jerusalem (apart from the 'Jewish quarter' which was rebuilt in 1967, and the existence of armed Israeli occupation soldiers) is exclusively Palestinian, 180,000 Palestinians rooted in their land are living in this part.

The western part of the city was occupied in 1948. El-Malha, Beit Safafa, El-Katamoun, Talbieh, Deir Yassin, Lifta, Ma'man Allah, and many other Palestinian quarters belong to Palestinian owners who were forced to leave their land after the Deir Yassin massacre in 1948.

The United Nations resolutions on Palestine and the Israeli Palestinian conflict never recognized Israeli control on West Jerusalem, let alone Arab East Jerusalem. Recently (Nov.1995,) the UN General Assembly voted overwhelmingly to re-affirm its position on Jerusalem specifically stating that all Israeli imposed legislation on the city, its annexation, and its administrative rules are illegal and considered null and void.

Arab East Jerusalem has been the subject of one of the most ingenious conspiracies in history. In terms of both land and people, the city has witnessed major changes. A zero Jewish population in Arab East Jerusalem in 1967, turned to near majority in 1995. Almost 100 percent Palestinian ownership of the land in 1967 turned to a very small percentage with limited usage in 1995. Arab East Jerusalem where Palestinians are living, is in a state of decay, it is a place where time stood still. Jewish planning is reducing Arab and Islamic presence in the city to the periphery.

The fate of the city can not and will not be determined unilaterally, the fate of the peace process must be conditional to the Palestinian people regaining full sovereignty on Arab East Jerusalem. Many Israelis, in spite of all their rhetoric on Jerusalem being their 'eternal undivided Jewish capital' are beginning to realize that there has to be a compromise solution on Jerusalem, as history, nature, and life taught us that nothing is eternal, and that a lasting solution will have to be a fair solution, in natural terms nothing unfair will last. Effectively, this means a political division of the city and the Palestinian people assuming control, authority, and full sovereignty on their part.

According to the Declaration of Principles signed between the PLO and Israel, a solution for the Palestinian Israeli conflict will be achieved in two stages, the second final stage is to address the permanent status issues and is scheduled to begin in May 1996. The following issues are on the final status talks agenda:
  • Jerusalem
  • The Settlements
  • The Final Borders
  • The Refugees, and others
To the Palestinians, Arab Jerusalem is a make or break issue, a satisfactory solution for Jerusalem must be found. Indications point to the fact that the architects of the Oslo Declaration of Principles are working on a proposed solution for the city. To the Palestinians this is a step in the right direction, what was achieved by the Palestinians in the negotiations with Israel so far, is indicative of the possibility of finding an acceptable solution.

Palestinian mayors of Jerusalem

 It is a well known fact that Jerusalem was the capital of Arab Palestine, the mayors of the city since the municipality of Jerusalem was established in 1863 and until 1948 were Palestinian Arabs. At the turn of the century, Yousef Dia el-Din El-Khalidi was the mayor of Jerusalem, he was mayor of the city between 1899 and 1906, Mayor Faidi el-Alami between 1906 and 1909, Mayor Aref el-Dajani until 1918, Mayor Mousa Kazem el-Husseini (Grandfather of Faisal Husseini) between 1918-1920 when he was forcibly moved by the British, Mayor Ragheb Nashashibi from 1920-1934, Mayor Hussein Fakhri el-Khalidi from 1934-1937.

Up until 1948, West Jerusalem never had a Jewish mayor, simply because the city was Palestinian. However, authentic Palestinian Jews were on the municipality board. As mentioned earlier, Jerusalem city council was first established in 1863 during the Ottoman rule on Palestine. The municipal council was then composed of five members, four Palestinian Arabs and one Palestinian Jew. At the end of the 19th century there was a small Jewish community in Palestine of around 20,000 and they were part of the Palestinian social tissue.

These are facts known to some but are unknown many in this world, and as the Jerusalem question is on the Palestinian/Israeli final talks agenda scheduled to begin in May 1996, it is important to inform people of these facts.

In 1948 the Jewish state was established and the Palestinian Arabs were driven out of West Jerusalem, after which Jewish mayors took office in West Jerusalem. Palestinian mayors remained in charge in Arab East Jerusalem until 1967.

Pre 1948, the government of Palestine was a Palestinian government albeit ruled by the British who brought Palestine under their rule in 1918 after World War I. At the time, we had a Palestinian currency - the Palestinian pound.

Jerusalem, a defacto divided city

Before 1948 Jerusalem was a Palestinian city and capital of Palestine, it had a Palestinian mayor while the whole of Palestine was under the rule of the British Empire represented by the British High Commissioner with his government offices in Jabal El-Mukaber in the city.

In 1917, the British, in the name of Lord Balfour promised the Jews a homeland in Palestine, they began translating their promise to reality, they succeeded because they were the government in power in Palestine. The British facilitated Jewish immigration into the country, they enacted laws and regulations and deployed their power to allow the Jews to build an infrastructure for themselves in Palestine, arms, guns, training facilities and money were easily available to the Jews. The Palestinians in the meantime were suppressed, their economic conditions made worse, little education and no health services. The British occupation authorities made sure that any Palestinian having a gun was court-martialled, many Palestinians who tried to resist the settling of Jews in Palestine were hunted and executed.

The number of Jews in Palestine and subsequently in Jerusalem increased. In 1948, Britain decided to end its mandate on Palestine and a Jewish state was declared. The well trained and well organized Jewish army supported by strong Jewish infrastructure waged a war against Palestinian cities, towns and villages. Massacres against Palestinians were committed, a case in point is the Deir Yassin massacre. As a result, Palestinians fled their homes in Jerusalem and elsewhere, subsequently the Jews took the land. Palestinian quarters in Jerusalem still have their original names, Arab style houses owned by Palestinians (now refugees) are still in place. Tens of thousands of Arab Jerusalemites were forced to leave the city. Arab armies from Jordan, Egypt, and Iraq entered the war to stop the advances of the Jewish army. A cease-fire was accepted shortly after their arrival and an armistice line was created. The West part of Jerusalem was occupied by Israel, the East part was annexed together with the West Bank to Jordan, while Egypt took control of the Gaza Strip.

The situation remained the same until 1967. In the periods in between, many Palestinians from East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza left their homes looking for work in the Arab gulf countries, hundreds of thousands are still in these countries with homes, property belonging to them, and relatives in Palestine. In 1967, Israel occupied East Jerusalem and the remaining Palestinian land in the West Bank. In that year the number of Jews in Arab East Jerusalem was zero, 98% of its land was Palestinian owned.

Immediately after occupying East Jerusalem, the Israeli government started building new Jewish settlements in the city, “Ramot, Ramot Eshkol, Nevi Yacob and French Hill” were some of the first to be planted in the eastern part of the city. Many more followed, not just in East Jerusalem, but all over the land occupied in the war of 1967, including the Sinai. After the peace agreement signed between Egypt and Israel, all settlements built in Sinai including Yamit settlement and others were razed to the ground by the Israelis prior to their withdrawal from the Egyptian territories.

In an interview with Israel Radio in English aired on the morning of Saturday Jan. 27, 1996, Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres said that Jerusalem will not be on the negotiating table with the Palestinians at any time in the future, and that the city’s population ratio is 3 to 1, i.e. - three Israeli to one Palestinian. This statement on Jerusalem is mistaken on two counts. The Palestinians residing in Arab East Jerusalem now represent 30% of the city in both its parts East and West, i.e. - two Israelis to one Palestinian. Taking into consideration all Palestinian Jerusalemites who were forced to leave the city in the war of 1967, and those who left afterwards due to the severe shortage of housing or who left their city in search for work opportunities, in addition to those who were deprived of their ID’s, the number of Palestinians from Jerusalem origin is well above 400 thousands.

The Israelis mainly Jews, are recent immigrants from around the world, many are Russians, Ethiopian, American, South African etc.., all claiming the return to their “ promised land.” The history of Jerusalem has been forged, its character defaced, and its legitimate owners destitute. Within the framework of one city shared by two major communities, Jews and Palestinians remain deeply divided. Basic long term social and and political conflicts persist, expressed not only in political attitudes but also in the structural features of this dichotomous urban environment. In present day Jerusalem, everything is perceived in dual ethnic references. There can be little doubt that one of the major features of Jewish-Arab relationships is the predominant force of persistent widespread segregation. This can be perceived by many measurable observable indicators.

Residential segregation has remained practically complete. No mixed Jewish-Arab neighborhoods have developed during the last 27 years of the so-called reunification. Commercial centers, urban functional zones, and public institutions remain essentially separate; this refers not only to religious or other culturally related institutions such as schools and theaters, but also to various public services ranging from urban transportation systems to the provision of electricity and bottled gas. In all of these, as well as many other cases, aspects of separation are legally sanctioned, and ethnic facilities are distinguished by their ownership, modes of operation, and other distinct identity marks. Practically everything in this “United” city is categorized as either “Arab” or “Jewish.” The boundaries between group members are also taut and impermeable, there are practically no marriages between Jerusalem Jews and Arabs.

Aspects of segregation are also expressed in the daily conduct of Jews and Arabs, where the ethnic identity of places, people and economic entities are always recognized. Crossing over to the “other side” is a highly conscious act that is often avoided, just as manifestations of avoidance and obstruction of inter communal relationships are widely practiced in many everyday situations. Indeed members of both communities have little information or knowledge regarding daily affairs or events on the “other side.” Ethnic boundaries and barriers of estrangement are reflected in this division of perceptions, attitudes, and behavior; Jews and Palestinians continue to live in different social worlds, each sharing life experiences largely ignored by or unknown to the other. Between Palestinians and Jews in the city, there are basic religious, cultural, and national differences not to mention antagonism, neither Palestinians nor Jews desire to assimilate to the other.

The particularly high degree and persistent nature of segregation, as well as the widespread practices of mutual exclusion undoubtedly also stem from the long history of conflict at the national level. Any Jewish-Palestinian daily interaction in Jerusalem is to be interpreted in terms of occupier-occupied relations. This structure also relates to the legal and ecstatus imposed by the occupier on the city and the remaining West Bank. By virtue of power of force, the Jewish occupiers dictate the areas, forms, and terms of exchange with the Palestinians, or alternatively impose practices of exclusion. Jews are willing to employ Palestinians or provide them with certain public or private services since this does not interfere with the sectoral identity of their own entity, but rather reinforces Jewish economic control and Palestinian dependency. At the same time, Jews are in a position to exclude the establishment of Palestinian residences and businesses in their own areas, or the distribution of Palestinian products, if these compete with Jewish products in their market.

Most importantly, the Jews benefit from political-legal power and economic manipulation. The imposed legal measures, institutional frameworks, and allocation of economic resources are all designed to create Jewish demographic, spatial, and economic dominance.

The existing patterns of Jewish-Arab relationships in Jerusalem have often been the subject of different interpretations. Not surprisingly, these mainly differ between Jews and Arabs, or vary depending upon the contrasting political positions that are present particularly within the Jewish population and between Israeli political leaders. Some have emphasized the long tradition of Jerusalem as a pluralistic, culturally heterogeneous city where, it is claimed, the patterns of segregation are similar to those found in many other multi-ethnic cities around the world; whereas others would stress the ongoing political conflicts and related expressions of a deeply divided, polarized urban community.

Those supporting the pluralistic interpretation argue that the system of Jewish-Arab relations that has emerged in Jerusalem, does not represent something new, but should rather be seen as the continuation of the traditional “mosaic structure” that has characterized this holy city in the past. According to this argument, Jerusalem has always been an amalgam of different religious, ethnic, and national groups, each of which lived within its own quarter and maintained separate community services, a significant degree of cultural autonomy, and its own occupational specialties as part of an ethnic division of labor. What is more, within this pluralistic system, religious or cultural differences between the various groups were considered to be legitimate and proper, and there was neither the demand nor the expectation that the minorities would assimilate or that urban institutions should function as mediums of social integration.

The major change to be sure, is that since 1967 power and control have shifted from the Arabs to the Jews. Under Israeli rule, this argument continues. The Arab minority rejects Jewish majority control just as it did of all previous regimes, including that of the Jordanians. Despite all problems, the Jewish occupiers of the Palestinian city believe that it is possible for both Palestinians and Israelis to live together if the Israeli authorities would adopt “liberal, tolerant attitudes and pragmatic policies.” "These should consist of ensuring the Arabs’ own way of life by allowing them maximum autonomous religious, cultural, and institutional authority within their own living areas, by providing them with municipal services that are equal to those received by Jews, and by encouraging voluntary, mutually beneficial social and economic contacts between Arabs and Jews.” According to this formulation, Palestinians will have to accept their permanent minority status within a united Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty.

While this may appear to be reasonable to some, this ignores and fails to correctly represent certain key aspects of Arab-Jewish relationships. One major point concerns the different opportunities available to members of the communities within the present framework of segregation and deep ethnic conflict. Given these circumstances, the formula of “separate but equal” - that is, Arabs and Jews maintaining separate residential and communal facilities while at the same time enjoying equal access to public goods and benefits - is largely fictitious, hardly possible, and rarely attained. Israel’s overwhelming policies favor the Jewish sector in both the allocation of public resources and in regard to determining urban priorities. Moreover, the Palestinians have been fighting to preserve their own separate community structure, this is often used by the Jewish authorities as a pretext for not extending support to them.

It can readily be seen that the pluralistic or multi-ethnic mosaic model of Jerusalem fails to adequately emphasize the most critical aspect of Arab-Jewish relations: namely, the continuing Arab-Jew struggle for control, and the antagonism and outright conflict resulting from the hegemony of the Jewish occupation. It is for this reason that Jerusalem can best be thought of as a deeply dichotomized, or polarized, city system, not only in political terms, but equally in regard to its urban structure and the everyday behavior of its residents.

The basic, underlying issue in Jerusalem confronting Jews and Arabs is political and national. The problems are not religious or cultural divisions, both sides agree to respect the different ways of life of the other community. Nor is the problem one of social and material inequalities or even outright discrimination: the Arab population does not regard the improvement in their incomes or living conditions as relevant to their political position as an occupied minority. The Israeli belief that improving the economic status of East Jerusalem Arabs would change their political aspirations has certainly proved to be unrealistic; political attitudes are often reflected in economic conduct and interactions rather than the other way round. Significantly, Jerusalem Palestinians have neither claimed nor struggled for their due share in economic terms or social rights so long as this implies recognizing the legitimacy of Israeli rule. In a fundamental sense the dispute centers upon the moral and legal basis of the city’s political system and the mutual recognition of collective national identities, rights, and sovereignty.

In all of these respects Jewish and Arab positions are symmetrical and uncompromising, since each side denies the collective rights of the other and considers that all gains by one will mean the denial of the rights of the other. However, the basic asymmetries are also clear: while Jews wish to maintain the status quo of total control, Arabs want to completely change it and release themselves from their current occupation. Under these circumstances, it is no wonder that Jewish-Arab daily relationships in Jerusalem continue to express patterns of extreme polarization. This is also the reason why conflicting claims cannot be accommodated merely by adopting policies or proposing even the best intended, carefully balanced technical solutions and compromises. As Benvenisti has shown, Jews and Arabs cannot even agree upon the same definition of "the Jerusalem problem." Jews perceive “the problem” as stemming from the fact that their just claim to Jerusalem is not recognized by the Arabs, and consequently Arab opposition undermines their attempt to bring about the desired goal of city-wide integration. For Arabs “the problem” is precisely their difficulty in achieving political autonomy and self-determination, as well as their inability to effectively resist unilateral Israeli actions undertaken to deprive them of control over their own affairs. Jerusalem’s emerging urban patterns and political orientations represent the encapsulation of the national political conflict between Jews and Arabs. Because the conflict is closely related to broader national issues, it becomes even more difficult to resolve. 

Manipulating Jerusalem's history
 
Immediately after Israeli soldiers occupied Arab East Jerusalem back in 1967, the Hebrew University, the Israeli Ministry of Religious Affairs, and the Department of Antiquities collectively and individually began a massive excavation campaign in Arab East Jerusalem in a bid to find allocate traces of Jewish existence from the so called 'Temple Mount Era.'

The fact of the matter is that almost thirty years of excavations did not reveal anything Jewish, no tangible evidence of theirs was unearthed. Much to their chagrin, what surfaced from their underground excavations turned out to be more Muslim palaces, courts and mosques. Other excavations revealed archeological ruins belonging to the Romans, Greeks and Canaanites.

Faced with these facts, successive Israeli governments decided to use the current balance of power in the city, being at the moment in their favor, to distort what they can in terms of historical facts and to present the world with falsified accounts of history orchestrated in a way the world would accept as a fait accompli.
Under the guise of developing archeological park as part of the 'city's Jewish trimillenial celebrations', the Israeli government and Olmert's municipality into dress up archeological sites in Arab East Jerusalem, which they describe as "rather ugly, boring sites" to have them depict other civilizations of their choice. (see the Jerusalem Post. Sept.1, 1995)

They began international and local media campaigns aimed at convincing others and themselves of an authentic original historical existence in a kingdom which originated in Silwan 3000 years ago. It is interesting to note that Dame Kathleen Kenyon, a British archeologist, and her teams helped and supported by local Palestinians from Silwan, worked for almost a decade in the 1960's excavating sites in many chosen parts in the city, in search of this so called kingdom. The area they call Ophel located south east of Jerusalem's old city walls was excavated deep into the ground. Dame Kenyon's excavations did not produce anything of significance to support the Israeli claim.

Professor Mazar of the Hebrew University began his own excavations on what Jews thought was the extension of the wailing wall. To their shocking experience, a large Omayyad palace and other Muslim archeological remains were discovered. However, out of the 'goodness of their hearts and to preserve these Islamic remains' Mazar and the archeologists of the Hebrew University decided to forgo digging through the Islamic palaces to reach the 'undoubtedly rich' Israelite remains below. (See Jerusalem Post Magazine 1.9.95)

Another biblical myth used as proof of their presence in Silwan is the tunnel connecting the pools of Silwan. They claim the tunnel was dug by the Hebronites, and to prove that, they claim a hundred years ago a boy discovered a stone with Hebrew inscription in the tunnel, but to their 'disappointment' again, they say this stone which they describe as "the largest ever found from the biblical period" was removed by the Ottomans to Turkey (See Jerusalem Post Magazine 1.9.95) In other words their evidence to this claim is conveniently not there, yet they go ahead with their decision to place what they term a 'replica' in the so called original location within the tunnel, and at its entrance, attributing the digging of the tunnel to the Hebronites.

To give credibility to these claims, and to translate the ingenious falsified historical accounts of the city in order for them to obtain worldwide authenticity, they decided to manipulate connect the history of Jerusalem as they want it to be seen by the world, and to present it in a way acceptable to contemporary thinking of everyday people. They planned the inauguration of the 'Jerusalem 3000 birthday' - with a fireworks display together with bombastic political statements - which took place on Monday September 4th 1995, in addition to the inauguration of the archeological park or the "Valley of the King" encompassing the Jewish version of the history of Jerusalem the Israelis want to present to the world. A Jerusalem Post front page headline reads, "Fireworks show tells the tale of one city." - the tale in question being the myth, the Jews and the Israeli government want to portray, that “ Jerusalem is a Jewish city, united and living in peace and harmony under Jewish rule.”

Jerusalem is not a Jewish city, despite the biblical myth implanted in some minds. Nothing tangible has been found to give credibility to these claims.

Israeli occupation authorities have never ceased their clandestine excavations underneath the Aqsa Mosque conducted by the Israeli Department of Antiquities. These excavations underneath the Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock 'the third most holy shrine in Islam' are ultimately designed to weaken the mosques' foundations, causing them in the long run to cave in and collapse. These diggings and excavations are taking place in many areas, the most dangerous of all are:-

The excavations taking place alongside the Western Wall beginning at the most southwestern corner of the mosque reaching northwards to El Omariyeh School.

The tunnel dug underneath the mosque starting at the wailing wall and ending immediately underneath the water well inside the grounds of the Aqsa Mosque.

The tunnel leading from the Convent of the Sisters of Zion (better known as Ecce Homo Church) on the via Dolorosa leading south towards the mosque.

The tunnel leading form the most southern part of Jerusalem wall to Suleiman's Stables underneath the Aqsa Mosque.

In addition, official Israeli policies conducted in Olmert's municipality desecrated the Islamic burial place in West Jerusalem 'Ma'man Allah' (God's place of safety) or colloquially called Mamilla. The area of this burial place was 250,000 sq.m., and most of this land has been used as building plots. At the moment the Sheraton Plaza Hotel, Supersol supermarket, Beit Agron building and the adjacent car park are built on this Islamic Waqf owned land which was used by Muslims until 1948 as their burial place in Jerusalem. Even the dead are not safe here as scores of Muslim graves have been desecrated, moved, destroyed, and damaged, many have been plastered with concrete to obliterate their Arabic inscriptions. What remains of this cemetery is being used as an open park, very few Muslim graves can be seen around this cemetery-turned-park ‘courtesy’ of Olmert and Kollek.

Above ground, leading Israeli right-wing elements and Jewish groups encouraged and supported indirectly by Israeli official policy in Jerusalem are continually trying to force their way into the grounds of the Aqsa Mosque to conduct Jewish group prayers there. On the evening of May 28th 1995, more than 100 Jews lead by Yehud Etzion 'a conspirator to kill and maim Palestinian mayors in the 1980's, tried to force entry from the western entrance into the mosque. The Waqf guards, supported by those at prayer in the Al Aqsa Mosque confronted this group and foiled their attempt to enter, many more attempts by similar groups have taken place. The vigilant eyes of the guards and the Palestinian people of Arab East Jerusalem are determined to stop these groups from achieving their objective.

In the early days of the occupation in 1969, an Australian Jew was convicted of setting the Al Aqsa Mosque on fire, in which the southern face of the mosque together with Salah El Din minaret and prayer place was burned to the ground. 

The Religious Factors in Settlement Patterns in Jerusalem in the early Islamic Period

 Jerusalem is better known to the Muslims by the means of Bait al-Maqdis (the holy house) or simply al-Quds (the holy); the latter is the most common name at the present (le Strange, 1890:3). Al-Quds is one of the holiest three cities for Muslims following immediately Mecca and Medina. Its holiness is attributed to two principal reasons: The first stems from its being the first Qibla before Muslims were directed towards al-Ka'ba (sura II.144) and the second form the famous night journey of the prophet Muhammad between Mecca and Jerusalem. The description of this journey is clearly recorded in the Qur'an verse on Isra' to al-Masjid al-Aqsa, where it says: [Gloified be He who carried His servant by night from the invoilable place of worship (Mecca) to the far distant place of worship (Jerusalem) the neighbourhood whereof we have blessed, that we might show him of our tokens! He only He, is the hearer, the seer]. According to historians, the journey was on the back of a wonderous animal, half horse, half man named al-Buraq (lightning). In addition to these two events many of the prophet's Hadiths indicate the holiness and the importance of this city for Muslims. The following Hadith attests to this fact: [You shall journey to but three Masjids (mosques), al-Masjid al-Haram (at Mecca), al-Masjid al-Aqsa (at Jerusalem) and my Masjid (at Medina)]. (Mujir al-Din 1973: 231).

Jerusalem became an Islamic city in the first half of the seventh century A.D. when Muslims entered the holy city in 14 A.H./A.D. 638 during the reign of the second caliph 'Umar ibn al-Khattab. According to historical sources the caliph 'Umar came personally and specially to take over the city from its patriarch at that time Sophronius, who refused to capitulate the city to any one except 'Umar. The sources also indicate that the caliph declared a special Sulh ('Ahd) to the Christians living in the city; its text developed in time to be known as the convenant of 'Umar. In this convenant the caliph guaranteed further religious freedom, safety of churches and secured the lives, fortunes and properties of the people living in the city (Mujir al-Din Vol. 1, 1973: 254).

Despite the above mentioned secured convenant given to the Christian inhabitants of the holy city, many of them according to the historical sources left the city and were replaced by Muslim inhabitants (Bahat 1983: 48), who were according to the Encyclopaedia of Islam (1980: 324) mostly from Medina. This, as a matter of fact, indicates the start of the Islamic era in the holy city of Jerusalem.

Early Islamic Jerusalem

Through surveying historical sources and travelers' documents, it appears that the early Islamic Jerusalem (from the time of 'Umar until the end of the Fatimid period) is extremely difficult for studying. The reason for this difficulty is attributed to the lack of documented information in these sources. The available information about the city is mostly of general nature dealing mainly with its character, climate, plants, etc. However, none of the historical sources provides a detailed picture of the layout of the city, in order to find out to what extent the city had been changed from its pre-Islamic status and what sort of changes or modifications were done on the plan and the structure of the city during the early Islamic period.

The important historians and travellers of this period include Arculf, Maqdisi and Nasir Khusru. Arculf is the earliest, he visited Jerusalem in A.D. 670 and lived in the city for about nine months. He reports nothing about the Islamic city of Jerusalem except for this short description of the square prayer house: "on the spot where the temple once stood near the eastern wall, the Saracens have now erected a square house of prayer, in rough manner, by raising beams and planks upon some remains of old ruins; this is their place of worship and it is said that it will hold about three thousand men" (Wright 1948: 1-2).

Al-Maqdisi, a native of Jerusalem (d. 380 A.H./A.D. 985), indicates the character of the holy city and describes in detail the Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock (Maqdisi 1906: 165-170). Nasir Khusru, a Persian traveller visited Jerusalem in 438 A.H./A.D. 1035. He described the holy city in general indicating its beauty, buildings and markets in addition to a detailed description for the Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock (Khusru 1970: 20-37).

The extant evidence of the scarcity of information is the new discoveries during the recent excavations which took place in the old city of Jerusalem. In the process of these excavations, archaeologists discovered few buildings which date back to the Umayyad period. The discoveries include a palace in the southwest corner of the Haram enclosure from the outside, two paved streets and early Islamic houses discovered in the Jewish Quarter and Mount Zion. None of these discoveries is mentioned in any of the historical sources. Nonetheless, the discoveries would probably indicate that many other structures were build in Jerusalem during the early Islamic period and played an important role in changing the layout of the city, but they were not recorded in the historical documents.

The question as to what extent Jerusalem had been changed in the early Islamic period still stands. Mainly because if other places in the old city are excavated, additional new discoveries providing more information about the layout of the city may be found. According to scholars, the city underwent gradual change in its character but remained basically Byzantine Christian in design (Maza 1975: 260). However, the extant remains and the new discoveries around the Haram enclosure give indication that there was a significant change in the layout of the Christian city concentrated mainly in the eastern part of the city. This change can also be seen from the religious division of the city during this period - a division not imposed on the inhabitants of the city, but came about naturally as each religious community wished to live in one area separate from the numbers of the other faith (Bahat 1983: 52-53).

The Religious Factors

It is believed that Jerusalem was influenced by Islamic systems as soon as Muslims settled in the city, and there is no doubt that life was built on religious bases. In fact, many religious factors can be indicated in the holy city during the early Islamic period. Physical evidence of the religious factors is of two types: Architectural and ritual. The architectural evidence consists of religious building constructed in the early Islamic period, including mosques, khanqas, domes, cemeteries, minarets and mihrabs.

Mosques: The most important religious factors in the Islamic religion. Muslims used to build them wherever they settled and they can be seen in any town or village in the Islamic world. The location of a mosque was usually in the center of town and often beside Dar al-Imara. The function of the mosque according to scholars is a place of assembly for religious, social and political meetings. In Jerusalem, it is recorded that Muslims erected a mosque soon after they entered the city, it was established as mentioned above by the caliph 'Umar (Wright 1948: 1-2), and was known later as al-Aqsa Mosque (the distant place).

Al-Aqsa Mosque was built by the Umayyad Caliph al-Walid ibn 'Abd al-Malik in A.D 705, and is of great significance for Muslims, being second only to the mosques of Mecca and Medina, and the destination of Muhammad's night journey recorded in the Qur'an. Indeed, it is one of the holiest places of Islam. The Mosque was destroyed by earthquakes several times and underwent many restorations, during which some modification were carried out on its plan.

The other mosque which is related to this period in Jerusalem is 'Umar's Mosque. It was built, according to an inscription found in the Russian Hospice, near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in A.D. 935, at the spot where the Caliph performed his prayers when arriving to Jerusalem (Bahat 1983: 53).

Khanqas Another sort of religious Islamic buildings. The word khanqa, according to the Encyclopaedia of Islam, is a composite word of Persian origin meaning a building usually reserved for Muslim mystics belonging to a dervish order. Important evidence of the early khanqas in Jerusalem was recorded by al-Maqdisi. According to him, the khanqas in Jerusalem belonged exclusively to the theological ascetic sect of Karramiyya, which flourished in Khurasan, and a group of them was living in Jerusalem (Encyclopaedia of Islam 1980: 65; al-Maqdisi 1906: 182).

Domes: Many domes were built in Jerusalem in the early Islamic period, mostly to commemorate religious phenomena and reflect the Islamic character. The most significant of these is the Dome of the Rock. It was built by the Umayyad caliph "abd al-Malik ibn Marwan, who allocated the taxes of Egypt for seven years to finance its construction. The Dome covers the Holy Rock from which Prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven on his night journey. The building underwent many restorations that maintained the original plan and design.

Another significant dome is the Dome of the Chain located on the eastern side of the Dome of the Rock, built also by 'Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan. It is similar in its design to the Dome of the Rock and was built to serve as a prototype to the great Dome or a store-chamber where money was deposited. Other smaller domes stand platform of the great Dome of the Rock. Two of them are located northwest of the Sakhra (the Rock) and commemorate the occurrence of the Prophet's night journey. These are the Prophet's Dome (Qubbat an-Nabi) marking the spot where he prayed while in the area, and the Dome of the Ascention (Qubat al-Mi'raj) from where the Prophet ascended to heaven. In addition there is the Dome of Gabreal (Jibril), commemorating the night of ascention (al-Mi'raj), as the steed Buraq was tied up at this spot until the Prophet was ready to mount (le Strange 1890: 71-76).

Minarets: The minarets is an important architectural element which gives the mosque its distinguished character. It is not known whether al-Aqsa had minarets at its first stage. However, Sauvaire in his analysis and description of the al-Aqsa Mosque indicates that the mosque had four minarets since the time of 'Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan three of them on the western side and one on the northern side. He also indicates that the minarets which we see now are reconstructed on the ancient foundations (Sauvaire 1876: 125-126).

Mihrabs (prayer niches): An architectural feature and a principal part of the structure of a mosque. The mihrab is usually placed in the Qibla wall of the mosque, its main function being to indicate the direction of Mecca in prayer. Nasir Khusru, in his description of the al-Aqsa Mosque, indicates many mihrabs, three of them inside the mosque: Mihrab 'Umar, Mihrab Mu'awiya and the central main Mihrab. In the area outside the mosque, he says that there were many beautiful mihrabs occupied by groups of people (Khursu 1970: 23-24). There are in addition the beautiful mihrab in the cave beneath the Holy Rock, and Mihrab Dawood (David's Mihrab) in the wall of Bait al-Maqdis (al-Istakhri 1870: 57; Ibn Hawqal 1870: 141).

Cemeteries: Jerusalem has several Islamic cemeteries. The most important of which is that located behind the eastern wall located near the Golden Gate. Two of the Prophet's companions are buried in this cementery: Shaddad ibn 'Aws (al-Suyuti 1984: II: 29) and Thu al-Asabe' al-Tamimi (Dabbagh 1988, III: 100).

The second important cementery in Jerusalem is Mamilla, which is the largest cementery located on the western side of the city. Many important people were buried in this cementery (Sauvaire 1876: 198).

The ritual religious factors on the other hand are mainly related to Muslim ceremonies and practices - these include prayer (salah), the pilgrimage (hajj), feasts, animal sacrifice, Ramadan, etc...

As-Salah: The most important religious ritual for Muslim and a fundamental part of Islamic religion. Muslims practice it five times a day in addition to Salat aj-Jum'a. According to Khusru the Salah used to take place in the Mosque every friday (khusru 1970: 23).

Visiting the Holy Places: Because of its sanctity people used to come to visit the holy places of Jerusalem. The religious value of Jerusalem is very clear in the Qur'an as it was the first Qibla and housed the third mosque in importance. In the Hadith the Prophet limited the visit to three mosques, the third being the al-Aqsa Mosque. According to Khusru, people unable to go to Mecca in the pilgrimage time, came to al-Quds to visit the al-Aqsa Mosque and make their sacrifices their. In some years the number of these people reached about 20,000 (Khusru 1970: 19-20).

Feasts: There are two main feasts for Muslims. Al-Adha (the feast of sacrifice) which comes in the Hajj (pilgrimage) time and al-Fiter (the feast of breakin the fast) which comes after Ramadan. Both feasts have special ceremonies, such as special prayers, and Muslims visiting each other for blessing.

Animal Sacrifice: A well-known practice by Muslims, done during the Hajj time and al-Adha feast ar as offering to God. That of the Hajj time is well recorded by the Persian traveller Khusru (Khusru 1970: 20).

Al-Adhan (call to prayer): A Muslim religious rite, calling people for prayer. A special person named al-Mu'adhen calls five times a day, from a high place such as the minaret.

From what preceded we conclude that Muslims settled in Jerusalem from the time 'Umar and came mostly from Medina. In addition, it appears that the gradual change took place in the layout of the Christian city in the early Islamic period, mainly in the eastern part. Evidence of that change can be seen in the standing remains and buildings recently discovered around the Haram enclosure. As mentioned above, the religious factors marking Muslims settlement in the city took two forms. The first was architectural and was manifested in new building styles and features which are peculiarly Muslims. The second was ritual and reflected practices and ceremonials related to the basic pillars and teachings of the Muslims faith.

Source :
Dr.Marwan Abu Khalaf
The Institue of Islamic Archaeology
Al-Quds University
 
 
 
Al-Quds throughout History
 
« Glory to God who did take his servant for a journey by night from the sacred mosque to the farthest mosque, whose precincts we did bless in order that we might show him some of our signs. For he is the one who hearth and seethe all things. »
(Sura Bani Israel. Verse 1.)
 
Al-Quds in Jerusalem existed even before the conquest of Islam. The Farthest mosque (Masjid-al-Aqsa), it could be argued, refers to the site of the Temple of Solomon in Jerusalem located at the hill of Moriah. Also in that area is the Dome of the Rock which is also known as the Mosque of Hadhrat Umar. In A.H. 68 the Amir Abd-ul-malik completed both the Dome of the Rock and Al-Quds.

It was a sacred place for both the Christians and Jews, but was under the influence of the Christians who had the upper hand. That area was also part of the Byzantine or Eastern Roman Empire, which maintained a patriarch of Jerusalem. According to historical records, the Temple was completed by King Solomon about B.C 1004.IN 586 B.C by Ezra and Nehemiah. In 167 B.C. it became a Temple for idol worship during the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, one of the successors of Alexander. Herod restored the Temple in 17 B.C to AD 29.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

In order to have a better insight to the Palestinian issue and thus, the history of Al-Quds, it is important to have some knowledge of the early history of Palestine. The claims of the contending parties-Jews and Palestines-are ‘rooted-deep’ in early history and it is, therefore, imperative to examine the respective claimants’ connection to Palestine as well as the events that brought about the Palestinian problem before its explosion in 1948.

History and the bible alike, talk of the existence of several peoples in Palestine. But only three played a dominant role in that country and left an indelible print on it. these are the Canaanites, the Philistines and the Israelites. The Palestinians descended from the Philistines.

The Canaanites are known to have born the first people to settle in Palestine after 3000 B.C.They lived in cities and engaged in commercial and agricultural activities. These cities were rules by priests - Kings. The name Canaan -the biblical Canaan- denoted the area they lived.

The Philistinian settlement in Canaan almost coincided with that of the Israelites in the 13th century, B.C.They are believed to have migrated from Elyria and settled along the stretch of the Mediterranean Coast which extended roughly from Jaffa to Gaza - which was part of the land of Canaan at about 1175 B.C. They remained in control of this area for several centuries, which became known as Philistia. Palestine was named after the Philistines. The Israelites, according to the Old Testament account, were a wandering tribe who migrated from Egypt and infiltrated the Eastern part of the land of Canaan.

Historians discount the biblical account which ascribe the destruction of Jericho to the period of Joshua. The archeologist, Dr. Kenyon says that « the archeological records does not provide the evidence of a large scale incursion contemporary with the destruction of Jericho... ».

Similarly, historians dismiss some biblical account of the executions of Canaanites by the new settlers, and maintain that the Canaanites and Philistines lived together peacefully and even amalgamated.
By contrast, the Israelites and Philistines were very antagonistic towards each other and they frequently go to war. As it was, this contrast attacks launched by the Philistines united the twelve Israelite tribes under Saul (1030 B.C.) who became their first king.

Saul was killed in a battle against the Philistine at Gilboa and was succeeded by David. David crushed the Jebusite and captured Jerusalem, which became his kingdom’s capital. By his conquest, David expanded this kingdom and established a stable administration based on the Egyptian model. But he was, however, unable to subjugate and incorporate the Philistines into his kingdom who were in « control of the maritime plain to a point south of Acco (Accre) and to a point north of Japho (Jaffa). As Aamiry maintains, « at no time, however, did he (David) rule the whole area of Palestine, and the Plains and the coast in particular never fell within his spheres of influence ». Upon his death in the mid tenth century, his son, Solomon succeeded him. Solomon’s reign was marked by general prosperity and was famous for his wealth, wisdom and above all, for the magnificent Temple built in Jerusalem. But his last days were darkened by internal cleavages and shortly after his death the Israelite tribes revolted, thus disrupting the united monarchy established by David. It was divided into the kingdom of Israel in the north and that of Judah in the south. These kingdoms fell one after the other.

Palestine Al-Quds under Foreign Occupations :

The Assyrians devastated the kingdom of Israel in 721 B.C.and became politically extinct. Judah which became « the sole heir of the glories of David and Solomon »  survived precariously for some time. Its capital, Jerusalem became the prime target of the Assyrian, the Philistine, the Arab, the Syrian, the Babylonian and Egyptian conquerors. It became a tributary state and pay tribute to Assyria, Egypt and Babylonia in succession. When in 705 B.C.Judah failed to honor its obligations, the Assyrian, Sennachreb annexed it and ceded its territory -with the exception of Jerusalem, its capital- to the Philistines.

When the Assyrian Empire was eventually over-run by the Babylonians, Judah was plundered and almost depopulated as the Jews were in exile, the Hebrew language faded away to be replaced by Aramaic which was spoken along side Arabic for several centuries.

After the destruction of Judah, Palestine was tossed between successive rulers. As the Persian Empire emerged in the East, it filled the power vacuum created by the fall of Babylonia, Palestine in turn fell to Persia who rules it for two centuries. And it was during the reign of Cyprus II that the exiled Jews were allowed to return to Palestine. Although few returned, the majority remained in Babylonia or migrated to other lands. The returnees built a second Temple in Jerusalem.

In the 4th century B.C. Palestine passed into Macedonian hands following Alexander the Great’s conquest of Phoenicia. Under Greek rule, the Jews enjoyed greater freedom as they were left undisturbed in their religion and custom. In 166 B.C. the Jews led by Judas Maccabaeus threw off the yoke of Greek domination and established the Maccabean kingdom, which however, was short-lived as the Syrian king, Antiochs Sidesten besieged Jerusalem and imposed tribute upon the Jews.

The Romans who under the leadership of Pompey annexed Palestine, which ended Maccabean rule, succeeded the Greeks. Palestine became the Roman province of Judas with Herod, the Roman protege, an Idumean as king. It was during this period that « one of the greatest event in the history of Mankinf occurred in Palestine : this was the birth of Christ at Bethlehem ». Since then, Bethlehem, Christ’s birth place, Nazareth and Galilee, where he lived and Jerusalem where he was crucified became the holiest places of Christendom and Palestine itself became a holy land for Christians.

There were two unsuccessful Jewish revolts against Roman rule. The first occurred in AD 66 to 70 when Titus plundered Jerusalem and the second Temple. The second -in Ad 132 to 135- was ruthlessly represented by Julius Sevens. The Jews who survived the massacre were dispersed to the extreme corners of the Empire. Since then, it was only a small Jewish lump that remained in the city and the few in Palestine lived in tiberias and Safad.

Following the conversion of the Roman Emperor Constantine into Christianity, the new faith became the religion of the Empire.

Al-Quds (Palestine) under Islamic Rule

Except for the intermittent Persian invasions of the country, between 614 and 638, Christians remained in control of Palestine until they displaced by Muslim Arabs whose rule endured until 1099. During the 12th century, Palestine was reccupied by Crusaders who established the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. This Kingdom stretched from Aquaba to Beirut and from the Mediterranean to the Jordan River. In 1189, however, Palestine was came under the tutelage of the Mamluke Dynasty in Cairo. Apart from the brief period -1229-1239- when Palestine was temporarily ceded by its Muslim rulers to the German Emperor, Frederick II who had undertaken a crusade for the liberation of the city, Palestine was ruled by the Arab Cliphs. until the Turkish conquest in 1517.

The Muslim Arab conquest of Palestine did not involve any fundamental change in the country’s demography, except a change in rulership and, to a large extent, a change in religion. « The Muslim Arabs, Cattan observes, did not colonize Palestine. They brought to the country no immigration; but only their religion and culture ».

Some native Christian inhabitants embraced Islam largely in order to evade the Jizia, a tribute levied on non-Muslims. Hence, « the predominantly Christian population became predominantly Muslim ». Although there was still some Christian presence in the country after the conquest, they were in the minority and they constitute the earliest Christian community in the world.

Thus, the absence of any Arab colonizing mission to Palestine discount the erroneous claim by some writers that the Arabs inhabited Palestine only after the advent of Islam. These writers ignore the fact that the Arabs, under various ancient tribal names, were the indigenous and dominant inhabitants of not only Palestine but also other parts of the Middle East since the dawn of history, hence Aamiry argues that :

What the Muslim Arabs did in AD 638 was to put an end to the Roman occupation of Palestine and Jerusalem. The native inhabitants, Christians and pagans were descend from the original Camelman of Palestine and from the Semetic Arab tribes of Amonites, Canaanites and others who had entered the land from Arabia in migratory waves. The Jebusites who built Jerusalem were the sub-group of the Canaanites
Frances E. Newton maintained that it is the Arabs and not the Jews who have had the constant, uninterrupted and continuous historical link with Palestine. To buttress this contention, she quoted Sir James frazer as saying. « the Arab speaking peasants of Palestine are the descendants of the pagan tribes which dwell there before the Israelite invasions and have always clung to the soil ever since, being submerged but never destroyed by each, successive wave of conquest which was swept over the land .

Mrs. E.A.Funn, who spent 20 odd years in Jerusalem as wife of a British Consul, has corroborated these contentions. She carried out some studies on the Palestine peasantry where she observed that :

There are no difficulties on the score of habit, custom or religion in our way. None of these need prevent us from regarding the Fallaheen (peasant) as being relics of the ancient Canaanite. Neither does it seem to us that the fact of their speaking the Arabic language offers any difficulty.

She went on to argue that there has been no evidence, archeological or otherwise, to contest the claim that the original inhabitants of Palestine had never left the country either voluntarily or forcibly expelled or had never been subjected to any annihilation at any point in their existence. The indigenous inhabitants, Fun maintained, were the Canaanites, the Jebusites, the Amorites, the Havit, the Penizzites and the Hihptes. And it is these five nations that constitute the natural population of Palestine.

She concluded her studies with the following remarks :

In the foregoing pages we have argued in favor of the probability that the present rural population of Palestine, the Arab Fallaheen, are the descendants of the ancient Canaanite nations. Firstly, because five of these nations continued to exist in the land until the Christian era, and cannot have been annihilated or driven out since. Secondly, because the Fallaheen are apparently aboriginal people and there is no tradition or record to show that they are anything else. Thirdly, because they have preserved the ancient geographical names. And lastly, because there appears to be customs among them derived from the Israelites.

The word « Arab » is a generic term denoting the inhabitants of the Middle East whose mother tongue is Arabic, irrespective of their rade, creed or religion. Hence there are Muslim Arabs, Christians as well as Jewish Arabs. Therefore, the claim that the Arabs settled in Palestine during the Muslim Arab occupation of the country in the 7th century could be dismissed as untenable.

The Ottoman Turks’ occupation of Palestine in the 16th century, like that of its predecessor (the Muslim Arabs in the 7th century), did not involve any colonization or immigration. In fact, the Arabs enjoyed greater autonomy under the provincial administrative system introduced by the Turks. They interfered less officiously in the life of the people or the running of the country except, for certain key positions, which were preserved for Turkish officials.

The Palestinians enjoyed the same civil and political rights enjoyed by the Turks. The principle of equal rights, regardless of race, creed or religion, which had prevailed in the Ottoman Empire, was enshrined in the 1876 constitution. Article 48 of the constitution recognized the rights of every Ottoman citizen to be elected for national representation. This same rights of all citizens were embodied in the 1908 constitution. The 1908 Ottoman parliament comprised of 142 Turks, 60 Arabs and 5 Jews deputies. among the deputies were Palestinian, Syrian, Lebanese and Iraqi representatives. That notwithstanding, the Arabs, including the Palestinians, and wanted to break away if they had the opportunity. It was not surprising therefore to see that the Arabs, including the Palestinians.

Gravitated towards Britain and her allies against Turkey in 1914, even though the latter and Germany had similar promises made to them by Britain.

It brought about the liquidation of Turkish rule and the committed British government’s declaration, which came to be known as the « Balfour Declaration », which marked the beginning of Palestinian issue. In short, it laid the grounds for future confrontation between the Palestinians and the Jews.

THE WAR AND THE MANDATE AL-QUDS UNDER EUROPEAN RULE

The War

Turkey entered the first world war and the side of Germany; and, in a joint military operation, attacked the Suez Canal. This provided a, unique opportunity for British to break up the Turkish Empire without involving Russia, whose influence she wants to keep out of the area in order to protect the route to India. It is also argued that, quite apart from a safe route to India, Britain had also wanted to create a Middle Eastern Empire in order to get access to Middle Eastern petroleum. The Middle East was also seen as a vital link to her principal naval bases in the East Mediterranean and at Alexandria.

Britain demonstrated her imperial ambition when she concluded an agreement with France - the Sykes-Picot agreement- dividing the area formerly under Turkish rule into British and French zones of influence; in contravention of the pledges she made to the Arabs, which included the recognition of their independence from Turkey after the war.

One of these pledges was made in the correspondence between the Sheriff of Mecca and Sir Henry McMahon, the British High Commissioner in Egypt, in 1915. This was intended to enlist Arab support for the Allied cause. Although Britain has certain reservations, she agreed to recognize and support the independence of the Arabs within the areas requested by the Sheriff, which as the Arabs understood it, included Palestine. But because of her imperialist ambitions in the areas, Britain kept the Sykees-Picot Agreement secret until 1917, when the Russian Bolshevik government published a copy of it found in the foreign office archives, at Petrograd. It was therefore in ignorance of any other agreement than the « MacMahon pledge » that the Arabs entered into war against Turkey -in 1916. And the Arabs involvement in the war was decisive as it helped to bring about Turkish defeat in 1919, and the expulsion of Turkish forces out of Palestine.

The Balfour Declaration

The Turkish defeat and their eventual expulsion from Palestine during the First World War did not usher in independence for Palestine, as in the case of other liberated areas, based on the promise made to the Arabs by Britain and her Allies.

This was because Britain had countered the « McMahon pledge » by contracting another agreement with the Zionists. This contradictory pledge popularly known as the Balfour Declaration was a correspondence between Lord Rothschild and Arthur James Balfour, then British Foreign secretary. This letter, which was more or less a policy statement, radically altered the course of Palestinian history as well as that of the Middle East. The letter stated:

I have much pleasure in conveying to you on behalf of His Majesty’s government the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspiration, which has been submitted to and approved by the cabinet.

His Majesty’s government view with favor the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing Non-Jewish Communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country. I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation .

Like the « McMahon pledge » the Balfour declaration was intended to win Jewish sympathy and support throughout the world. N unlike the « McMahon agreement » which promised the Arabs independence in their own homelands, the Balfour Declaration promised to facilitate the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestinian territory. These agreements were a clear manifestation of Britain’s political double-dealings in the Palestine issue and which also explains why she was unable to administer the territory during mandatory rule.

In fact, the declaration was the outcome of a series of discussions held between the British government and the world Zionist leaders who had proposed the establishment of a Jewish homeland. In addition to Palestine, the other areas earmarked for the project were Argentina, Uganda and the Sinai Desert.

It has been suggested that even though it was Britain who issued the declaration, His Majesty’s government could not commit itself towards its realization. And that it could depend on the efforts and enterprise of the Jews to bring it into being. But if one examines British policy during mandatory rule up to 1939, it becomes clear that she did no only favor the establishment of National Home for the Jewish people in Palestine, but became actively involved towards the realization of Jewish aspiration.

The British government agreed to include the Balfour Declaration in the Severs Treaty. Added to that, she encouraged the massive influx of Jews immigrants into Palestine. Prior to the ratification of the mandate by the League of Nations, Britain had started executing the declaration by announcing a quota of 16,500 Jewish immigrants as a start. This move caused indignation among the Arabs, who were already nervous over the growth of Zionist expansionism in Palestine. Thus the Balfour Declaration laid the corner stone for a future Jewish State.

As Stevens remarks :

The British government’s Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917, promising British help in the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine had laid a juridical floor beneath Zionist efforts to return to the promised land.

Hence, the double-promised ‘land’ as Palestine came to be known was doubly promised. But what was unclear was whether it was a National Home or the National Home for the Jewish people. If a Jewish National Home or the National Home for the Jewish people. If a Jewish National Home refers to a Jewish community with minority rights under Arabs rule, to ensure that such community did not threaten the existing population, then it would have been a very tiny community. But later, it became clear that the objective was no longer only to establish a National Home in Palestine, -in accordance with the terms of the Balfour Declaration, but to transform this territory into a Jewish state. This was manifested in the Baltimore program adopted by the American Zionist Movement in meeting held in New York, which forecasts the establishment in Palestine of a Jewish Commonwealth, with unrestricted immigration and the creation of a Jewish state. However, there were varied views on the issue. While some contend that the National Home would evolve into a Jewish state, others countered this view. Among those who hold a contrary view, included Norman Beutwich, a Zionist Jew and former Attorney General of Palestine. He maintained

that state sovereignty is not part of the idea for a Jewish National Home. Freedom for the Jews to develop their own traditional and environment is the main if not the whole idea.

Similarly, Sir Herbert Samuel, a British Jew who was one of the negotiators of the Balfour Declaration and later became the first High Commissioner in Palestine observed in the House of Lords in 1949 that :

The Jewish State has been the aspiration of the Jewish people for centuries. It is an aspiration, which at present day cannot be realized. It is not contained in the Balfour Declaration. If the Balfour Declaration had intended that a Palestine state be set up, it would have said so...There was no promise of a Jewish state. What was promised was that the British government would favor the creation of a Jewish National Home- the term was clearly chosen- in Palestine. The declaration did not say that Palestine should be the Jewish National Home, but that it favored a Jewish National Home in Palestine without prejudice to the civil and religious rights of the Arab population.

But this common assertions can be dismissed as untenable because if the creation of a sovereign state of Palestine had not been the desired objective of the Zionist leaders, Chaim Weizmann, the principal negotiator of the Balfour Declaration, would not have stressed the need for its inclusion in the peace Treaty with Turkey, nor would Britain had detected the relevance for its inclusion in the peace Treaty which was aimed at giving it (the Balfour Declaration) a legal sanctity. That aside, the Zionists would not have even mounted a powerful lobby at the United Nations to secure a vote in favor of partition or even eject Palestinians from their homes, all in the same of developing their own tradition.

Even the British policy statements aimed at reassuring the Sheriff of Mecca that the idea of a Sovereign Jewish state in Palestine was never contemplated, were merely trying to pacify the Arabs. She was not only determined to remove all obstacles to Jewish immigration into Palestine but also to encourage mass exodus of Jews to Palestine with the hope that a Jewish state might, with time, be established. Her line of action during mandatory rule was geared towards this objective. Even General Smut, who was a member of the imperial war cabinet when the Declaration was made, speaking in Johannesburg on the 3rd November, foretold an increasing number of Jewish immigration into Palestine, and in the generation to come a great Jewish state would develop there once more. Hence, it was until Britain had ensured that a sizeable number of Jews have been landed in Palestine that is big enough to grow into a state, than she restricted further immigration into Palestine in 1939.

 

But whatever may have been the intended definition of the Jewish National Home and from whatever perspective one looks at the Balfour Declaration, it was invalid and arbitrary.

In the first place it did not reflect the wishes of the native people of Palestine. Secondly, it was also void because, Turkey as the legal sovereign over Palestine at that time of its issuance did not consent to it. That Turkey refused to become a signatory of the Severs Treaty of 1920 was not surprising. Article 95 of the Peace Treaty provided that the parties should agree to entrust, by application of the provisions of Article 22 of the League of Nations covenants, the mandatory who would be responsible for the implementation of the Balfour Declaration previously made by British government in favor of the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine. The Treaty of Lausanne preceded this Treaty in 1923, which omitted all reference to the Balfour Declaration.

Thirdly, the Balfour Declaration was void because the Zionist leaders who negotiated the declaration on behalf of the world Jewry lacked legal mandate since they were not the true representatives of all Jews including those native inhabitants of Palestine.

Fourthly, it was arbitrary because Britain highjack independence from Palestine in order to execute the terms of the declaration without even putting the issue to a referendum for the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine to decide.

Fifthly, the declaration was fraudulent because Britain entered into this agreement without the prior consent of the Arabs with whom she had already concluded an earlier pledge.

And finally, it was inconsistent with the previous pledge Britain had contracted with the Arabs- the McMahon pledge. Hence, this controversial document prepared the ground for future friction between the Arabs and the Jews which is yet to be resolved. This friction has degenerated to bitter conflict with its tragic consequences on both sides. These consequences were foreseen by Lord Islington who said that :

The mandate impose in Great Britain the responsibility of trusteeship for a Zionist political predominance where 90 percent of the population are non-Zionist and non-Jewish...In fact, very many orthodox Jews, not only in Palestine but all over the world view with the deepest apprehension, not to say dislike, the principle of a Zionist Home in Palestine by...the scheme of a Zionist political predominance effective in Palestine by importing Jews from other parts of the world. This scheme OD importing an alien race into the midst of a native local race is flying in the very face of the whole of the tendencies of the age. It is an unnatural experiment.. It literally is inviting subsequent catastrophe...

 The British Occupation : 1918-1920

 Britain occupied Palestine in 1918 following Turkey’s defeat. In the meantime, the armistice of 1918 excited the Arabs who had been encouraged to hope that allied victory would herald independence for the Arabs in their homelands. And one of President Wilson’s fourteen-point peace plan was geared to that direction. It provided that « the Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secured sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are under Turkish rule be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolute unmolested opportunity of autonomous development ». France and Britain’s joint declaration outlining their objectives was a pointer in that direction.

The declaration stated :

The object aimed at by France and Great Britain in prosecuting in the East, the war let loose by German ambition is the complete and definite emancipation of the people so long oppressed by the Turks, and the establishment of National governments and administrations deriving their authority from the initiative and free choice of the indigenous population. In order to carry out these intentions France and Great Britain are at one in encouraging and assisting the establishment or indigenous governments in Syria and Mesopotamia

now liberated by the Allies. Far from wishing to impose on the population of these regions any particular institutions, they are only concerned to secure by their support and by adequate assistance the regular working of governments and administrations freely chosen by the population themselves.

It is argued that the Arabs had always regarded Palestine as part of Syria, so this statement seemed to offer all they wanted, and they were shocked to learn that the Allied Powers proposed not only to separate Palestine from Syria, but to place it under a mandatory in order to put in to effect the Balfour Declaration.

Quite apart from the implementation of the Declaration, the partition was in fulfillment of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, which divided the Arab into French and British Zones of interest. The Agreement placed the administration of Syria under France. Thus, the declaration merely re-affirmed the Allied powers imperialistic tendencies in the Middle East. The Arabs on the other hand, regarded this policy as a contravention of the « McMahon pledge », the only agreement they were aware of . It could be argued that even if they had interpreted the pledge to mean the preservation of Palestine for France or Great Britain or an international administration, they could not have foreseen that such administration might mean the establishment in Palestine of a National Home for the Jewish people. Hence, they tried to thwart the allied powers plan by adopting a resolution electing Amir Feisal as king of United Syria, including Palestine, and rejecting the Balfour Declaration; at a general congress held in Syria and attended by Arab delegation from Palestine.

But France, who had never felt bound by the « McMahon pledge », vehemently opposed this move by the Arabs since it ran counter to its territorial ambitions in the Arab world. Earlier, France had laid claim on the whole of Syria down to the Egyptian frontier. The round table conference held in London on the 19th of November, 1915 was aimed at reconciling British, French and Arab claims in the Syria area. And the Sykes-Picot Agreement was the outcome of that meeting. So, it was not surprising for France to occupy Damascus and expel the Emir from Syria.

In the meantime, even though the « Special regime » under which Palestine was to be governed had not yet taken legal shape, the Zionist Organization wasted no time to present a draft resolution outlining its plan for the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. This plan was discussed with the Supreme Counsel Mr. Felix Frankfurter, an eminent American Jew who was given the task of drafting a detailed plan. Thus, it could be seen that the Zionist project had already in those days assumed something like shape of a mandate as we know it. It re-affirmed the Jewish historic right to Palestine, Jewish immigration and settlement wars to be promoted. A body representing Palestinian Jews and the Jewry should cooperate with the mandatory in this regard, while Jewish education should be left with the Jews alone and local self-determination should be encouraged.

The Authenticity of the Historical Claim

It is argued that Zionist dream of a sovereign state in Palestine basing their claim on historical rights is vague and baseless. When one takes a look at the history of the Jews in Palestine, there is no denying the fact that they migrated into Palestine at an earlier date. Only that they did not descend from the original inhabitants. Historically, they descended from Pharonic Egypt and came to live with the Canaanited and even ruled the country for a brief period. They, however, disappeared after the devastation of the kingdom of Israel and Judah. What is more revealing is that other peoples also conquered and ruled the area. And, that aside, their rule did not exceed that of other invaders. In fact, the linguist rule was that of the Canaanites, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks and Romans. Arab and Turkish rule preceded these and lasted for twelve centuries. Hence, the historical claim is unjustified and unsound, as Aamiry argues; the diverse promise and historical rights claimed by the Jews are scientifically untenable, and studies that the patriarchs never based their action on such promise since the Christians and Arabs can also make similar claims to Palestine.

Despite this complications and complexities of the Palestine issue, ad the obstacle created by Syria, which bitterly opposed to separation of Palestine from Syria the victorious powers went ahead with their plan. The Palestine Mandate was passed on to Britain in 1922, to effect the execution of the declaration.

Palestine under Mandatory Rule

The unanimity with which the Leagues council ratified the Palestine mandate in July 1922 was a manifestation of their desire to carving out a Jewish state in Palestine. This was made explicit in the preamble of the mandate. Its first recital reaffirmed the Allied Powers commitment of entrusting the administration of Palestine to a mandatory in order to give effect to the provision of Article 22 of the League of Nations covenants. The second recital placed on the mandatory power the responsibility for implementing the declaration originally made by His Majesty’s government in favor of the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, « it being clearly understood that nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country ». While the third recital emphasized the Jewish historical connections with Palestine.

And Article 2 made the mandatory power responsible for :

a- Placing the country under such political administration and economic condition that would be conductive to the establishment of a National Home for the Jewish people.

b- Developing self-government institutions

c- Protecting the civil and religious rights of all the institutions irrespective of race or creed.

Article 4 allowed for the establishment of a Jewish agency to advice and cooperate with the mandatory power in matters affecting the establishment of a Jewish National Home.

Article 6 required that the Palestine administration, while ensuring that the rights and positions of other sections of the population are not prejudiced, should facilitate and encourage Jewish immigration and settlement on state lands and wastelands.

Assessing the Terms of the Mandate

It could be argued that the mandate instrument did not reflect the wishes of the people of Palestine because, even though they were the party most affected, they never negotiated its terms, nor were their consent sought afterwards.

Moreover, the mandate did not mention anything about the Palestinian Arabs, though they constituted over 90 percent of the population. In short, the Palestinian Arabs were relegated to an insignificant position, since the concern was mainly to lay the foundation for a Jewish state. President Wilson’s speech on March 3rd, 1919, underscores this fact. « I am persuaded », said President Wilson « that the Allied Nations, with the fullest concurrence of our own government and people, are agreed that in Palestine shall be laid the foundation of a Jewish commonwealth ». And so, the phrase « non-Jewish communities » was aimed at downplaying the potency of the Arab, Palestinians as a force to reckon with. This was admitted by the Royal Commission on Palestine which argues that the phrase was meant to buttress the fact that there were a number of groups such as, Muslim Arabs, Christian Arabs, Armenians and other lesser communities, which are more or less on the same footing. But reference was made to « Jews », the Jewish people   « and the Jewish population of Palestine » even though they too were a minority group and their population was insignificant when compared to that of Arab Palestine at that time, which stood at 83,794 against the 600,000 Arabs.

Furthermore, the mandate provided for a Jewish agency, a sort of advisory body that became a vehicle for the promotion of Jewish settlement in Palestine and the subsequent partition of the country. But it failed to provide for the establishment of a similar agency through which matters affecting Palestinian Arab agency could be channeled. In other words, to establish a Palestine Arab agency that would protect and promote the interest of its members just as the Jews.

Finally, the phraseology of Article 2 of the mandate is ambiguous. It placed three contradictory roles on the mandate. Firstly, to place the country under political, administrative and economic conditions, to guarantee the establishment of a Jewish National Home. Secondly, to develop self-governing institutions and thirdly, to uphold the civil and religious rights of all inhabitants. As a result, the British Mandate Power tottered and oscillated between her obligation to promote Jewish aspirations in Palestine and to protect the rights of the natives of Palestine.

The result was the policy statement of 1930 which suggested a Legislative Council of 28 members, 14 of which were to be Arabs (both Muslims and Christians) and 8 Jews. This proposed Council, though it did not reflect any proportional representation, attested Britain’s attempt to redress the balance, that is, to give some priority to her obligation to the Arabs.

This little gesture brought Britain sharp criticism from the Zionists and both parties in the British House of Commons. They regarded the proposal as an anti-Zionist ploy, which is trying to freeze the National Home through constitutional Arab stranglehold.

Britain’s second attempt was the white paper of 1930, which placed a definite ceiling of 75,000 on Jewish immigration between 1939-1945, with numbers thereafter to be agreed upon by the Arabs.

The white paper reflected the reality of the approaching war and Britain ’s attempt to appease the Arabs for its strategic interest in the region. According to Douglas-Home, the British government could not afford to do without Arab support against the Axis Powers Support which the Palestine situation had threatened to undermine. The decision was belated, for the rights, position and future of the Palestinians had already been trampled upon as a result of Britain’s continued effort to settle enough Jews in Palestine that would eventually evolve into a sovereign state. Not surprisingly, therefore, she came under increasing attack from the Zionists who where shocked and dismayed over the British white paper which they considered as a death knell of Jewish aspirations in Palestine and a breach of the Balfour Declaration. They also saw it as a contravention of the Palestine mandate. Consequently, this signaled the end of the Anglo-Zionist entente.

It was needless for the Jews to feel upset because Britain was merely trying to allay the fears of the Arabs as, since 1920, Britain’s policy in Palestine was geared towards the realization of Jewish aspiration in Palestine. She manifested this in August 1920 when she announced a quota of 16,500 Jewish immigrants for the first year even though the mandate was yet to approved by the League of Nations.

CREATION OF ISRAEL AND AL-QUDS

The British government played politics with the Palestinian till 1947 when it voluntarily surrendered its authority to the United Nations. The United Nations General Assembly in November 29, 1949 voted in favor of the Palestinian partition plan as recommended by Resolution 181. It states in part, that Independent Arab and Jewish states and the Special International Regime for the city of Jerusalem... shall come into existence in Palestine ...

The act on the part of the United Nations was unacceptable to the Palestinians and therefore rejected. The fact was that the partition plan violated the UN Charter provisions on the right to self-determination of nations.
The partition plan was effected by the United Nations against the background that the Arabs owned 93 percent of the territory of the Palestine according to the Caclastial titles kept in the archives of the Foreign Office in London, while the Jews possessed only 7 percent, mostly state domain land donated to them by the British mandatory authorities.

The proposed Jewish state had a starting majority of Palestinian Arabs in the proportion of 509,780, Muslims and Christians to 499,020 Jews. This was against the Zionist philosophy for Palestinian Arabs to exceed the number of the Jews. The Zionists, therefore, had to resort to all types of repression characterized by the naked use of brute force.

The Zionists organized three paramilitary organizations known as URGAN, STERN and HUGANAH. Apart from bombing campaigns, wanton massacres were carried out as manifested in Deir Yassin village. Palestinians were terrorized so as to make them flee homes in fear of a repeat performance of the massacres of Deir Yassin. Massive expulsion campaigns were carried out by the Zionist terrorist machine.
Despite the provision for the internationalization of the city of Jerusalem, the site of Al-Quds, the plan was never implemented. In its bid to consolidate its position, the newly created Jewish state occupied during the 1948 fighting half of the city of Jerusalem and in 1967 it finally extended its occupation over the eastern sector.

With its total occupation of the territory of Al-Quds, Israel started to implement its own plan, that of altering the status of Jerusalem and thus, Al-Quds.

Israel, in disregard of the UN relevant resolutions, on the 30th of July 1980 adopted a so-called basic law, which declared a united Jerusalem to be the capital and official seat of the Israeli Head of State, Government, Parliament and High Court.

The occupation of Palestine and the occupation of Al-Quds, Masjid Aqsa or Bayt Maqdis by Israel, has compounded, among other things, the problems of the world Muslim community and Christians, and also is a threat to the peace and security of not only that of the world, but the world over.

The occupation of Al-Quds by Israel is the symbol of the captivity of the people of the region with any belief and religion. The actions of Israel in that area, has become the barrier to motion, life growth and blossoming of the Palestinian people.

Israel, over the years, adopted policies aimed at annihilating the religious, historical and civilization importance of Al-Quds. It strives to implant a special culture with roots in Zionism and imperialism, which apes western culture, thus destroying the popular Arab-Islamic culture and character of the city.

Israel, with its sense of cultural and national superiority, has been able to consolidate its power, in its judaization schemes. It has become one of the most sophisticated gendarmes of imperialism in history.
Israel today, has reduced the Palestinian people to mere refugees in their homes. They live under conditions of poverty and hunger, without housing, health care, or education.

DEPORTATIONS

Deportation of influential Palestinians opposed to the occupation has been an essential Zionist policy ever since the inception of the Judaization program in the late 1980s. Arab residents and workers were forcibly expelled from all lands bought by Jews (usually through the Jewish National Fund, an arm of the Jewish Agency). Jewish vigilante groups (Hashomer), the precursor of terrorist organizations like Haganah, Stern and Irgun, were charged with both the security of Jewish settlement and exclusion of Arab workers. They played a decisive role in driving away the majority of Palestinian Arabs from their homes through organized terror in 1948. This was part and parcel of the racist Zionist theory that does not tolerate non-Jews (goyim) among the « Chosen people of God ».

In June 1967, the Zionists captured the West Bank and Gaza, where there was no Jewish presence. Here, they put their policy of deportation immediately into work. All residents not physically present in the West Bank and Gaza were not allowed to return to their homes. Thus, thousands of people who happened to be aboard, for one reason or another, were stripped off their right to return to their homes and lands. These included such outstanding personalities as Sheik Asad al-Tamimi, the Imam of Al-Aqsa Mosque. In addition, the Israelis started a grand settlement program, by usurping Arab lands. with the aim of turning the Jewish settlers into a majority by the turn of the century. This program was carried out by organizing Jewish immigration to Israel from the territories of the then Soviet Union and other countries.

The first actual deportation from the territories occupied in 1967 took place on September 23 of that year when the Zionist deported Sheikh Abd al-Hameed al-Sayeh then Chairman of the Supreme Islamic Council of Jerusalem (and now chairman of the Palestinian National Council or Parliament).

Deportation have continued unabated ever since. During the twenty-six years from 1967 to 1993, the Zionists deported about 2,500 prominent Palestinians, all leaders of their community and in the forefront of the resistance. The basic idea is to render the Palestinians under occupation leaderless, while the Judaization process goes on unabated. In 1993 four hundred Palestinians were exiled by Israel to Lebanon where they had to live in the desert, under strenuous conditions. Later Israel had to back down and allowed the return of these exiles back to their homes by November this year.

DESTRUCTION OF AL-AQSA MOSQUE

Mass excavation is now been carried out underneath the Masjid Al-Aqsa under the pretext of searching for the Temple of Solomon. Zionism is laying waste the first Qibla of the Muslims.

The fact is that since the occupation of Palestine, the main aim of the Zionists was to change the Islamic and Christian profile of the Holy Land of Palestine, by erecting Jewish Synagogues aimed at justifying the Jewish historical right to the Holy Land.

The grand strategy of Zionism cannot be however implemented unless and until they totally destroyed Al-Quds. They have hatched so many plots to either destroy or change the style of the mosque but with no avail.

Ever since the beginning of the Zionist occupation of Al-Quds, (Holy Land), a number of mosques and churches including Holy Sepulchre have been confiscated by the Israelis. Some are now being used as nightclubs, one being used as a police station, one as a carpenter’s workshop. The mosque of Abraham in Al-Khaleel on the West Bank, which contains the tombs of four prophets is now used as a synagogue.
Israel in the mid 1960s orchestrated the burning of a section of Al-Aqsa Mosque alleging that it was carried out by a mad man.

 

But for the past 26 years, since Israel occupied Palestine, including the Masjid Al-Aqsa and the Dome of the Rock (which have been the focus of Zionist aggression) it has been trying to replace them with a new (third) temple, 1,990 years after the Romans destroyed the temple of the Jewish King, Herod.

The latest attempt on AL-Quds was on 18th October, 1989 when fanatics gathered at the western or wailing wall outside Al-Aqsa area. As they waited, a truck arrived and the Zionist attempted to unload a 3 ton lime-stone corner stone, to be laid as part of the « beginnings » of their new temple.

 

However, it is widely believed by Muslims, especially Palestinians, that this attempt to lay a « foundation » stone was not the « beginning » of the construction of anew temple. The temple is believed by Muslims to have already been partly constructed and efforts by the Zionists at official level, to destabilize the structure of Al-Aqsa mosque in Al-Quds have also already begun.

Excavations and tunneling have been dug under Masjid Al-Aqsa since 1967, following the conversion of the old Moroccan quarters of the old city to part of the Jewish quarter. The Zionist authorities claim that the sole purpose of the digging was to reach a Hasmonean tunnel, a claim that Muslims dispute vehemently.
Palestinian historians and archeologists have good reasons to believe that this project is merely the latest in a series of efforts by Zionists to undermine Palestine’s history, by literally undermining the very foundation of the mosque.

 

ILLEGAL SETTLEMENT

Despite the fact that Israel is occupying Palestine illegally, it is desperately trying to legitimize its occupation. Israel, with the backing of international imperialism, is settling by force so-called Jews from all over the world in Palestinian Lands. This act on the part of Israel is a clear demonstration that it does not recognize the right of self determination and independence of the Palestinian people.

 

The fact also remains that there will be no just and lasting peace in the Middle East unless and until Zionism put an end to its usurpation of the Islamic and Christian holy shrines and the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independence restored.

Palestine is neither a geographical expression nor an Arab question. Palestine, is an issue for the Muslims, Christians and Jews. For the Muslims, it is Palestine where the holy shrine of Al-Quds is located . Its importance therefore cannot be overemphasized.

 

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF AL-QUDS

The Holy Prophet of Islam was told by the Arch-angel Jibreel that Allah had ordered Prophet Mohammed to proceed on to a very unique journey through the Baytul Masjidil Aqsa / Quds. Mounted on an animal named the « Al Buraq », the Prophet of Islam visited the Masjidil Aqsa where he visited different parts of the mosque including historic places that were associated with the Prophet of Allah, including Bethlehem the birth place of Prophet Isa-Jesus.

 

The Prophet then commenced the second part of his journey and proceeded from that place to the skies. He then observed the stars and the system of the world and conversed with the souls of the previous Prophets and also with the angels of the Heavens. He saw the centers of blessing and torture (Paradise and Hell) and also saw the places of the dwellers of Hell and Paradise from close quarters and consequently became fully aware of the secrets of creation, the extent of the Universe and the signs of the Omnipotent Allah. Then he continued his journey and reached « Sidratul Muntaha » and found it fully covered with splendor, magnificence and grandeur. At time, his journey came to an end and he returned through the way he had gone. During his return journey also he first came to Al-Quds and then proceeded to Makkah.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MERAJ

 

The Heavenly Ascension cannot therefore be overemphasized. It was during the Meraj that the Holy Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) spoke with Allah and also got the five Times daily prayers in junction for every Muslim. What is already mentioned is just a tip of the iceberg for the significance of Al-Quds. It served as a legitimization process whereby Prophet Mohammed was linked to all the past Prophets.

For the Christians Jerusalem is the city from which the light of Salvation shone forth into the darkness of the world when Jesus was born there. It is the Holy City, the home of peace and communion with God, the place of the tomb of the Prophet Moses, the tombs of Sadik Shameon, and the Holy Virgin Maty near Gethsemane. Jerusalem is the cradle of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. What a fine example of religious affinity this could have served. A great hope for humanity.

 

The irony of the situation however, is that Jerusalem has now become the gunpower magazine that will be capable to blow up the entire world, because of the policies of Israel. Israel wants to monopolize the whole region, excluding both the Christians and the Muslims.

Israel sees its grandeur only through its Judaization program of the whole of Palestine and even beyond. One must therefore assess present Israeli policies in that area in the lights of its future grand strategic plan. Among other things, Israeli policies in the occupied territories are characterized by strict curfews imposed on towns, villages and refugee camps, killings, kidnappings, and closure of universities, colleges and schools. Israeli policy in the occupied territories also includes the creation of Jewish settlements in Palestinian Lands at a time when Israel has denied the Palestinians the right to return to their homes. The Palestinian Lands usurped include water resources. Israeli policy also encourages settler vigilantism.

 

It is argued that Israeli policy in the occupied territories constitutes grave violation of the human rights of the civilian population in the occupied territory, causing even greater suffering to the Palestinian people under occupation with far-reaching socioeconomic, demographic and emotional consequences.

If Israel argues that its policy in the area is aimed at preserving its own security, it should be pointed out that Israel’s policy ?n the area has created even more insecurity and constitutes a threat to international peace.
One of the antitheses of the policies of Israel is the intifadah, which demonstrated that the policy of Israel has become intolerable and that the only option is that of resistance.

 

THE INTIFIDAH

On the 8th of December 1987 the Palestinian people rose against Israel. It was and continues to be an expression of the determination of the Palestinians in the occupied territories to continue this regardless of social condition, age or sex. They are all victims of the inhuman policies of Israel. The intifidah is therefore, the product of the national feelings of the Palestinians aimed at preserving their human and national dignity threatened in their own existence.

 

The intifidah which has lasted for more than five years, has altered the status quo in the occupied areas, a manifestation on the part of the Palestinian people that despite decades of occupation, they do not intend to accept the way of life which has been forced on them by Israel. The intifidah is not confirmed to spontaneous demonstrations by individual groups of the population. It has become a complex social, economic and political phenomenon, which has effected all aspects of life inthe, occupied West Bank and Gaza. The intifidah manifest the rekindling of the hope for liberation of the Palestinian people and thus, Al-Quds from the oppressive yoke of Israel. The oppressor Israel is aware that no amount of the use of naked power or force will cow down the Palestinians. The intifidah has had far-reaching effects on every case in the body politic of Israel. Intifidah is therefore the hope, the beginning of the glow of light at the end of the tunnel; manifesting that it is just a question of time Palestine and thus Al-Quds will be liberated.

In this connection therefore, I want to take this opportunity to commend ISESCO for its activities toward the liberation of Al-Quds. One must not fail to mention also the efforts of the late Imam Khomeni (May his soul rest in peace) for his declaration of an International Day of the Quds which is celebrated every last Friday in the month of Ramadan it has tremendously contributed to public awareness of both Muslim and non-Muslims alike about the present situation of Al-Quds.

 

CONCLUSION

Al-Quds throughout history has been a history of occupation and usurpation. Its various occupations since it was created did not succeed in stamping out the religious, historical and civilization importance of Al-Quds.
The Judaization policy of Israel in Jerusalem will fail. There is now an irreversible trend in the occupied lands, as demonstrated by the intifidah. The intifidah also symbolizes Muslim - Christian unity, a clear indication of the need for a common struggle if the religious, historical and civilization significance of Al-Quds is to be preserved. Both Christian and Muslim states must intensify their support for the Palestinians in their struggle against oppression and usurpation of their land.

 

Islamic-Christian dialogue must also be intensified in this connection. Christians should be made equally aware that their heritage will be lost if they acquiesce to the Judaization of Palestine and its Holy Places. Attention must also be drawn to the Israeli propaganda tactics in most developing countries, which depicts Israel as the defender of the Christian faith. The Islamic-Christian dialogue must counter such propaganda tactics.

The majority of the African public is unaware of the fact that Al-Quds issue is not simply an Arab-Jewish conflict, but that there is also a Christian element, that there are also Palestinian Christians who are united with their Muslim brethren in the liberation struggle.

 

We all wait for the day the Holy Land will become in reality the symbol of religious unity and thus, a genuine hope for world peace and progress for Mankinf. In this connection we hope that recent development in the area particularly the agreement between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel will serve the legitimate interests of the Palestinian people.

I thank you all for your attention.
Wassalamu alaikum Warahmatu Allah Wabarakatuh.

 

RECOMMENDATIONS

1. In the effort to sensitize the international community on the situation in the occupied lands, religious institutions all over the world must be utilized.

 

2. ISESCO should set up an Ad-Hoc Information Bureau on the Liberation of the Al-Quds. The Bureau will be responsible for dissemination of information to the world community through videocassettes, films, books, leaflets, organization of workshops and seminars, recordings of radio programs etc. depicting the situation of Al-Quds.

3. The O.I.C should increase pressure on the UN to ensure the protection of Christian and Muslim interests in Jerusalem. Statements to this effect must be sent to all states and more particularly, to Christian institutions.

 

4. Seminars and symposia an Palestine should be frequently organized.

By A.B H. Kargbo
 
BIBILIOGRAPHY

 

Books :

Aamiry, M.A., « Jerusalem : Arab Origins and Heritage », Longman Group Ltd., London, 1978.
Browne Harry, « Suez and Sanai », Longman Group Ltd., London, 1971.
Bullock John, ‘The Making of a Modern War : the Middle East from 1967- 1972 », Longman Group Ltd., London 1974.
Cattan Henry, « The Palestine Question », Croom Holm, London, 1988.
Douglas - Home, Charles, « The Arab and Israel : Background Books » The Bodley Head Ltd., London, 1968.
Stevens Georgiana, G., (ed), « The United States and the Middle East3? Prentice-Hall inc., N.J. , 1964.
Journals :
Encyclopedia Britanica, University of Chicago, Chicago.
For the Rights of Palestinians, United Nations: Work of the committee on the exercise of the inalienable Rights of the Palestinian people
Human Rights for Palestinians, United Nations : New York.
Intifadah: Two Years, Prague : International organizations of Journalists.
Royal Commission on Palestine, July 1937.
The Middle East and North Africa (1971-72) Europe publications Ltd., London.
Periodicals :
International Affairs, Royal Institute of International Affairs.
International Affairs Review, Yugoslavia.
Newsweek, International News Magazines US News and World Report, New York.
Middle East - London.
Seminar Documents :

 

1. The legal status of the West Bank and Gaza, UN publications, N.Y. 1983.

2. Documents, United Nations African Regional Seminar and NGO’s Symposium on the Question of Palestine, Freetown, Sierra Leone 2-6 April 1990.

  

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